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Prime Minister Starmer visited north Wales this past Thursday to reveal the building of a fresh nuclear energy facility. This is a significant policy event with both local and national implications. However, the PM did not dedicate much time in Wales to advocating answers for the UK's power requirements. Rather, he used the time attempting to draw a line under the briefing controversy within Labour's leadership, telling reporters that Downing Street had not briefed against the health secretary’s ambitions earlier this week.

As such, Sir Keir’s day served as a small-scale example of what his prime ministership has evolved into more generally. On the one hand, he desires his government to be performing, and to be seen to be doing, significant actions. On the other hand, he is unable to achieve this due to the manner he – and, partly, the country as a whole – now practices political and governmental affairs.

Sir Keir cannot change the culture of politics single-handedly, but he is able to take action about his personal involvement in it. The plain fact is that he could run the government's core far better than he does. Should he achieve this, he could discover that the nation was in less dismay about his government than it is, and that he was getting his messages across more effectively.

Personnel Problems in Downing Street

Some of the problems in Number 10 are about individuals. The personal dynamics of any No 10 regime are difficult to discern well from outside. Yet it appears clear that Sir Keir does not make sound staffing decisions, or stick with them. Perhaps he is too busy. Perhaps he is not really interested. But he needs to up his game, avoid slow progress or by halves.

• He hesitated about assigning the key job of top civil servant to Chris Wormald.
• He appointed a former official his chief of staff, then replaced her with Morgan McSweeney.
• He brought a Treasury figure in from the finance ministry as his chief secretary.
• His communications chiefs have been frequently replaced.
• Political and policy advisers have entered and exited.
• The situation is chaotic.

Structural Challenges at the Heart of the Administration

All premiers devote excessive time overseas and on foreign affairs, where Sir Keir should delegate more, and too little conversing with parliamentarians and hearing the public. Prime ministers also spend too much time doing media, which Sir Keir compounds by doing it poorly. But premiers cannot express surprise when their political appointees, who tend to be party activists or politically ambitious, overstep boundaries or become the story, as Mr McSweeney now has.

The most significant problems, though, are structural. It would be beneficial to believe that Sir Keir reviewed the Institute for Government’s spring 2024 report on overhauling the government's central operations. His failure to address these matters last July or since implies he did not. The frequently dismal experience of Labour’s time in office indicates recommendations like reorganizing the functions of the central government office and No 10, and separating the positions of top official and head of the civil service, are currently critical.

The dominant political role of prime ministers greatly exceeds the support available to them. Consequently, all aspects suffer, and many tasks are poorly executed or ignored.

This is not Sir Keir’s sole responsibility. He is the casualty of previous shortcomings along with the author of present ones. Yet individuals who expected Sir Keir might get a grip on the centre and prioritize governmental structures have been disappointed. Sadly, the biggest loser from this failure is Sir Keir himself.